Emergency Apprehension and Detention How to Locate Family Member
Introduction
Since October 2013, United states of america Community and Border Patrol (USCBP) has apprehended 15,979 families on the Southwest Edge of the US (1). Approximately ane,663 families traveling mostly from Mexico and Central accept been apprehended in the Tucson sector of the edge (1). Later spending several days in detention, qualifying families are released to the local bus station to continue travel and reunite with their families in the U.s.a.. Nonetheless, due to language and cultural barriers, it is hard for nearly families to navigate the national jitney system. In the absenteeism of federal or state involvement, humanitarian aid organizations have come up to the aid of these families.
Multiple reasons exist for the electric current surge of Mexican and Central American families arriving at the US–Mexico border. Persistent economic deprivation and the resulting inability of families to adequately back up themselves, as well as interminable violence are pushing people north. Recent studies indicate that the primary reason that people leave Guatemala, Republic of el salvador, and Honduras is forced child recruitment into gangs, drug- and gang-related violence, gender-based violence, and extortion (ii, 3). Violence is compounded by the lack of economical opportunities, lack of admission to quality didactics, and the subsequent inability for families to support themselves financially in their dwelling house countries (4).
The government response to this surge is humanitarian parole, which is one of many temporary protection programs offered by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). Usa temporary protection programs are dependent on parole, which is the master avenue for temporarily admitting individuals into the United states of america for extenuating circumstances, including catastrophic atmospheric condition-related emergencies or violent disharmonize in sending countries. Humanitarian parole is a discretionary authorization used sparingly in situations to grant entry to individuals who would otherwise exist inadmissible into the US. The strict parameters of parole require the parolee to written report to an immigration and customs appointment within 1–3 months at their last Usa destination, whereby their immigration condition volition be re-assessed. Parolees must go out the U.s. before their parole expires, usually within 12 months, unless they proceeds a more permanent status given their specific circumstances (5).
In order to qualitatively appraise the potential impact of the experiences of these families, nosotros elected to assess this problem through the lens of structural vulnerability (half-dozen). The concept of structural vulnerability stems from Galtung's (7) structural violence, which he defined every bit "the indirect violence built into repressive social order creating enormous differences betwixt potential and actual human realization." Kohler and Alock (8) explicate that physical violence is when an actor (e.1000., number of armed men) uses an musical instrument (eastward.one thousand., ammunition) to cause a vehement output (e.g., number of persons killed). They explain structural violence as systemic violence caused by structural attributes such every bit maldistributive policy that differentially allocates resources based on class oppression and economical injustice (6, 8). Alternatively, structural vulnerability was conceptualized to exist more inclusive, encompassing maldistributive systems that are based on race, ethnicity, gender, and culture (vi). Moreover, structural vulnerability refers to a positionality that imposes physical and emotional suffering on specific population groups and individuals in patterned ways. This positionality is a result of class-based economic exploitation and cultural, gender/sexual, and racialized bigotry (6). Furthermore, vulnerability results from an individual'south identify in a hierarchical social order and its networks of power relationships and subsequent effects (nine, 10). Currently, in that location is no systematic documentation of the demographics, immigration trajectory, and wellness condition of these women and children. Therefore, the aim of this cess is to document the experiences of families granted humanitarian parole through the lens of structural vulnerability.
Materials and Methods
Setting and Participants
Investigators from the Academy of Arizona Mel and Enid Zuckerman College of Public Health partnered with project helping hands (PHHs) for this study. PHH provides services to migrating families who have been arrested and released by USCBP from short-term detention facilities in southern Arizona. Services include hospitality, nutrient, water, wear, basic medical attending, and pedagogy on the intercity motorcoach arrangement. In consultation with our research partner PHH and in order to protect the anonymity and privacy of the migrating women and children, researchers used purposive sampling to interview information-rich cardinal informants, specifically lead PHH volunteers who serve migrating families (11). Lead volunteers concord a supervisory position, are the about likely to consistently collaborate with migrating families, and are required to speak Castilian fluently. PHHs volunteer coordinator provided the names and contact information of 20 lead volunteers. The investigators attempted to contact all volunteers via email on three separate occasions. Willing individuals replied to the investigators with their availability. A disclosure statement was provided to all volunteers. Face-to-face interviews took place in locations in the local customs per the request of the participant. One interview was conducted over the phone. Interviews varied in length from 30 to 90 min. Data were gathered until empirical saturation was reached, i.e., participant responses ceased to vary greatly across questions (11).
Due to the not-generalizable nature of the data gathered, the authors submitted an exemption from homo subject's research to the Academy of Arizona's Internal Review Lath (IRB) and were approved on the grounds that non-generalizable data does non found as human research as divers by federal regulations.
Interview Guide
A semi-structured interview guide (Table 1) was designed to define PHH volunteer perspectives of the migration experience, from departure from their home country to their arrival at PHHs. The open-concluded interview questions were developed based on a literature review and consultation with border wellness and transnational migration field experts. The interview moderator guide was designed to arm-twist the following information: motivations for leaving the home land, the migration experience, experiences while in detention, PHH services and commitment, and migrating families' wellness challenges.
Table ane. Interview moderator guide.
Data Assay
Interviews were audio recorded and transcribed. Ii researchers with qualitative research experience independently read and coded the data for major themes using NVivo vii Software (12). The researchers then compared notes on themes and through a process of consensus agreed on major and minor sub themes and adult a lawmaking book (Tabular array 2). These aforementioned researchers again reviewed the transcripts and coded for the major and sub themes based on the codebook adult. Through contiguous discussion, researchers developed a lawmaking memory to summarize each major and pocket-sized theme and identified illustrate quotes that all-time represented the themes encountered (13).
Table ii. Qualitative codebook.
Results
Interviews were conducted with eight lead volunteers of PHHs. 6 of the eight volunteers were female, and 2 were male. Ages in years ranged from the mid 20s to late 60s. Half dozen of the eight volunteers were born in the Us, and all but one of the volunteers was fluent in Castilian. All volunteers had been volunteering with PHH for a minimum of one time per week for iv months. Pseudonyms were assigned to each participant for de-identification purposes.
Half-dozen major themes emerged from the qualitative data: (one) reasons for leaving, (2) experience on the journey, (3) dehumanization in detention, (four) family separation, (5) vulnerability, and (6) resiliency.
Reasons for Leaving
Escaping Violence
In discussing why migrating families were fleeing their home countries, volunteers cited escaping violence as a master cause for migrating north. Specifically, volunteers mentioned the pervasive drug violence affecting families and small businesses. Drug cartels need money and resources, and when the families no longer have something to requite, the cartels threaten them and their family unit members. Volunteers recalled mothers whose children had been recruited by drug cartels, and out of desperation, they gathered their belongings and fled. Volunteers stated that females often reported leaving due to domestic violence or sexual abuse by the men in their lives. Other reasons included extortion by regime officials and police force, kidnappings, and the high prevalence of law-breaking in general. In one farthermost case, a volunteer recalled the story of an eight-year-former boy from Honduras:
At that moment the fiddling boy came and he had a little handbag of cookies and he offered i to me and I noticed that iv of his fingers were missing. I didn't say anything. The trivial boy noticed that I was looking and he told me the story like matter of fact. He said, "these bad men came and they took me and they put threads around my fingers and then they pulled them and put them against a tree, and and then a large truck came and went through the threads and information technology cut my fingers off. I ran home and I was bleeding and bleeding and they told me to tell my mom that she was going to be killed and me besides because nosotros didn't have anything more to give them. My mom was screaming and screaming and she just took me and nosotros ran."
Economic Impecuniousness
Volunteers also cited economical deprivation as a reason, stating that many migrating families could no longer provide for their children with the current economic situation at home. Many families expressed that they needed amend jobs with more than pay in gild to send their children to school.
One of the ladies said, "I want to provide an opportunity for my children to get educated, to get a expert task cause the only thing that they're going to end up doing is getting into drugs and the gangs and they won't do anything practiced in their lives if they stay."
Experience on the Journey
The Train or the Bus
The two overarching modes of transportation that migrating families used to arrive at the Usa–Mexico edge from the southern edge of Mexico were either by train or by motorcoach. The trajectory through Mexico is heavily dependent on material, social, and man capital letter. Volunteers stated that those with sufficient means took the bus, which is generally safer than travel aboard the roof of a train. Their point of departure determined whether migrating families volition either go far at the Mexican border with Texas or Arizona. The large bulk of those that arrive at the PHH house travel the route to the city of Agua Prieta, which borders Douglas, AZ, USA. The culling mode of transportation is known equally "La Bestia" (The Beast), a proper noun that was earned by the slow moving cargo trains that cantankerous Mexico from southward to n. Migrating families told volunteers about having to remain awake on the tiptop of the train, for chance of falling off while asleep. One volunteer reported coming together a young woman with a black eye and scratches all over her face that had been hitting by a tree limb in the face while riding atop the train. Equally one of the volunteers mentioned:
Even if you aren't subject to violence from the horrible people who are waiting to casualty on people [riding on the railroad train] there is still the reality of you riding on superlative of the cargo railroad train for thousands of miles so that's pretty awful.
The people who become booted off the bus and the people who ride the top of the train are [going to] be the most vulnerable to begin with you know the most destitute the most drastic and ones you maybe don't speak the language as well are probably be the ones who get put into these more dangerous categories and are probably more volition likely to be taken reward of.
Blending In
Additionally, even when migrating families had the economic ways to avoid the unsafe trajectory of the train, their success was heavily reliant on their abilities to speak Spanish and alloy in with Mexican nationals. Clearing checkpoints in Mexico often required people to ransom federal officials, or be forced off the bus. One of the volunteers exclaimed:
So we only see the success stories here nosotros see the people didn't get kicked off the bus and the style they do that is either they're a niggling wealthier, they accept some pesos with them so that they tin pay a ransom to the federales (federal constabulary) … But another fashion to exercise is to blend in more or less. And then ane woman, was really a Honduran woman, she knew that like the government was [going to] become on the bus and be looking for suspicious looking Central Americans. So she gets on the motorbus and in that location's the Key Americans are in the back of the bus and they are cowering and avoiding heart contact and such. And then she decides to sit in the very front seat and whenever the police would get on would stand up a very straight and would wait at them directly in the eyes, but nod at them and they would walk right by her to the back to the dorsum of a charabanc and grab the Central Americans and throw them off the double-decker.
Risk at the Edge
Travel on the bus eventually brought migrating families to the Sonora, Mexico edge-expanse towns of Agua Prieta, Nogales, Altar, Sonoyta, or San Luis. While in these towns, migrating families were at gamble of extortion and kidnapping, according to volunteers.
Another woman had i little child and someone grabbed her before she got across the border someone grabbed her in Nogales and imprisoned her in some room that she had to eventually escape from out of the window, I suppose information technology was a coyote (human smuggler), she had like 1000 dollars or something and he took that money and imprisoned her and she didn't know what his plans were for her merely she finally got out a window.
Upon their inflow by bus or train, migrating families must pay a coyote to get across the border undetected. Volunteers described how migrating families were at the mercy of the coyotes, their police force evasion strategies at the border, and their road through the arid Arizona desert.
[The coyotes] left with all of their money. They took all their coin … and they are put upwards in a hotel and they'll come and feed them whenever they tin so they can go days without eating.
A Confusing Journey
Hither, a volunteer described how dislocated migrating families become during the journey:
So they would be on the bus and they had there would be a serial of payments made for those people and they would be riding buses until they get to the border area and in the edge area depends on where they're going to be crossed. If they spent the night in Altar Sonora they were in a rural expanse somewhat isolated, and they really had no thought was going on, they're brought to the border, and for those who are familiar with Southern Arizona it's a very open desert. For people who don't, or aren't familiar with this area, it's desolate and they don't know where they are.
Dehumanization in Detention
Several themes related to the treatment, feeding, sleeping, and health status of the migrating families during the apprehension and detention procedure. Co-ordinate to the volunteers, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (Ice) attempted to process humanitarian parole as rapidly as possible; however, setbacks in procedures forced families to spend anywhere from a couple of nights to several weeks in detention facilities. Volunteers likewise mentioned that families were oft jailed in cold, windowless rooms, and were forced to slumber on the floor with only an emergency Mylar coating for warmth. Volunteers described that the women and children often left ICE detention in a country of aridity, not because of the journey prior to apprehension, just because they were not allowed to adequately hydrate while in detention. Moreover, they noted that most migrating families were not enlightened than the water available in the cells was drinkable, a fact that Border Patrol did not ever share with their charges. Finally, the volunteers mentioned that the food provided to migrating families while in detention exacerbated their aridity and made them sick.
Everyone says that the jail is way too cold and they sleep on floors they give them these similar aluminum blankets and they feed them frozen burritos, which is like the worst thing you tin can have if you're dehydrated from beingness on the desert … They feed them burritos, Austin crackers, and juices. They don't eat the burritos, they consume the Austin crackers and the juices. And then its funny when people were getting dropped off to usa and they were dehydrated and they said they hadn't eaten in a while I thought it was because they had been out in the desert but it was considering they had been in the jail.
Many of them had no thought what was information technology just went through. The border patrol wakes people up at two in the morning time and 'processes them'. Meaning they interview them most the reasons why they left and they make some judgment legally about what that means at two in the morning. That's normal procedure.
Family unit Separation
Another service provided by PHH was the location of missing family members. The parameters of humanitarian parole mandate that only one adult may remain to accompany any children, and any other adult is to exist placed in brusque-term detention for deportation proceedings. This manifested itself in family separation; for instance, a mother and father and their children may have been apprehended and the mother and children were released to PHH, while the father was detained. If they were not aware of where other members of the family were sent, PHH attempted to brand contact with detention facilities to locate the men. Another situation that separated families is that some migrating families knew that as a male family member, if they crossed with women and children and were apprehended, they would be put in longer-term detention and separated from their families. Every bit a result, that person may have attempted to enter the United states of america separately. If this occurred, apprehended families were desperate to contact the missing members, and PHH worked to locate them with the Mexican or Guatemalan consulate. If they were able to communicate, this may have been an extreme relief, especially during the months of May through mid-September as that was the hot season and lives may be at pale in the desert.
These women accept off. They only have to be and so desperate to have to caput off when she'southward about to evangelize a infant and then this other adult female was there who had a 15 month sometime and she had a newborn and she was coming through and her married man got detained and ended up somewhere so she was counting on him to assistance her with the kids and he was detained.
Vulnerability
Some other emergent theme that arose from the interviews was the vulnerability of the migrating families both during their journeying and upon their inflow in the The states. Volunteers cited language barriers, lack of money, and a full general lack of understanding of their immigration status as significant concerns for the migrating families. Linguistic communication barriers were major obstacles for the migrating families every bit they moved through Mexico and into the US. Volunteers reported that the majority of families arriving at PHH were from rural areas of Guatemala and spoke ethnic languages. Their express Spanish skills and inability to communicate added to their vulnerability and fabricated it difficult to navigate through risky areas of Mexico. If they made it across the edge, the disability to speak English added to their isolation when they were apprehended by the border patrol and detained by Ice. Understanding the procedure of apprehension, detention, the parameters of their humanitarian parole, and their future journeying through the United states became increasingly difficult when communication was impossible. Upon their arrival at PHH, the families were about to embark on withal another journey through an unfamiliar country, and may take spent up to 4 or 5 days navigating buses and stations earlier reaching their last destination. Another result was that most migrating families arrived with no money for a variety of reasons. Some were robbed on the journey, while others fled imminent danger from cartel violence and had express time for grooming and saving.
They're just dropping these people off that don't speak any English language and don't have any money and I idea that's really horrible.
I remember the scariest thing is that they arrive most exclusively from ICE from what we know with no dollars no coin okay and so they have to make the trip beyond the country with no basically to me that would be very scary to exist a mom traveling with young kids and not have any money and be going from Arizona to Pennsylvania or Rhode Island.
Resiliency
While volunteers commented on the state of vulnerability of the migrating families, they also overwhelmingly remarked on the courage and resiliency of these individuals. They stated that in contrast to the manner in which immigrants are usually portrayed in the media as victims or as weak, their experience with migrating families has shown these individuals to exist stiff, resilient, and brave. They described them every bit individuals who are willing to do whatever it takes and overcome adversity in order to make a better life for them and their children.
There was a woman who walked, somewhere from Mexico, she had scratches all over her and she had a one twelvemonth quondam little girl on her back. She was by herself and she wasn't with a group. And they arrived just exhausted, merely right on the edge. You wouldn't know it because they're just so tough, they wouldn't have made it all the way here if they weren't so tough simply they were only right on the border.
I would say that the people I've talked to do not fit the stereotype image that people coming of being super traumatized and yous know almost shaky or anything like that. I run across these and they're not fragile these women are like incredibly resilient.
Discussion
These findings elucidate the different physical and psychological distresses that migrating families from Mexico and Primal America feel before, during and after their arrival at the Tucson sector of the Usa–Mexico edge. We posit that these distresses are a result of, or exacerbated by, structural vulnerability. Structural vulnerability argues that inequality results from systemic political, economical, and material marginalization that contributes to oppression through gender, ethnic, and class-based bigotry (6, nine, x). Migrating families find themselves in a particularly vulnerable situation due to the intersections of their condition as economically marginalized indigenous women and children. Thereby, their status subjects them to class- and gender/sex-based exploitation, equally well as culture- and race-based discrimination (6).
Our findings show that migrating families in question are fleeing situations characterized by structural vulnerability. Consistent with literature on the topic (2, iv, 6), we plant that the primary motivation for women and children to abscond their dwelling house country is persistent violence, specifically drug, gang, and gender-based violence, which largely occurs as a result of economical impecuniousness and maldistributive economic policy. Moreover, information technology has been found that children from Guatemala, Republic of el salvador, and Republic of honduras cited their primary reason for leaving their homes as forced child recruitment for gangs, and drug- and gang-related violence. Girls specifically take cited gender-based violence, including rape as a ways of control past local gangs. Guatemalan children mentioned increasing poverty, poor agronomical yields, and unemployment as their reasons for leaving (2). Primal American families overwhelmingly named deep structural conditions of economic security and chronic violence as reasons to migrate. Furthermore, the persistent threat of violence elicits fear and feet in children, increased gamble of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depressive symptoms in pre-adolescent and boyish youth (14, 15).
In addition to experiencing violence at dwelling house, migrating families experience abuses while on the journeying. Consistent with our findings, studies advise that each yr, hundreds of thousands of people from Guatemala, El salvador, and Honduras attempt to cross Mexico, where they are regularly subjected to abuse, police brutality, extortion, rape, dismemberment, and expiry (16–eighteen). All the same, violence does not stop upon their inflow at the Usa–Mexico border every bit migrants are vulnerable to violence from US immigration and law enforcement (xix–21). Our findings illustrate the impact of USBP policy that separates, detains, and eventually deports men, and releases the women and children of the same family unit. While, there are many implications for all parties involved, research indicates that children suffer the greatest consequences from family separation. The immediate consequences of parental incarceration include traumatic separation, stigma, and isolation (22). Moreover, the effects of parental deportation are similar to that of other recognized negative childhood experiences, including family unit violence, a parent'south death, parental drug abuse, and neglect (19).
Turning to the outcome of maltreatment while in custody of the USBP, volunteers reported that one time they are apprehended, migrating families are subject to inhumane treatment, including verbal abuse, exposure to unbearably low temperatures, prohibited use of warm clothing, inadequate food, and limited water. Our findings are consistent with recent studies that found that migrants reported persistent abuse during USCBP apprehension, detention, and displacement proceedings (20, 21). Moreover, studies have shown that mistreatment during the apprehension and detention process may be psychologically distressful; data indicate that detention and adverse mental health are causally associated. Detention of asylum seeking migrants, even for short periods of time, results in astute psychological distress, the cause of new mental health disorders, and or the exacerbation of existing weather (23–25). Additionally, children aviary seekers can suffer life-long psychological consequences as a outcome of detention, including acute psychological distress, anxiety depression, melancholia PTSD, and intentional self-harm (26–28).
Our findings elucidate that before, during, and afterwards the migration journeying, these migrating families are subject to class- and gender/sex-based exploitation, as well as culture- and race-based bigotry (half-dozen), thereby defining them as a structurally vulnerably population. It is important to notation that their structural vulnerability is a result of systemic problems without simple solutions, and without broad-based political, economical, and social alter, the The states volition not likely come across a decrease in migration from these countries in the almost hereafter. For this reason, it is important to constitute a public wellness framework for understanding these vulnerable populations as they transition into US club. The current immigration condition of humanitarian parole provides little protection to vulnerable families. Nosotros believe that given the circumstances from which they abscond, migrating families merit a more permanent country of protection than what is currently offered. Nosotros recommend that the US aggrandize its capacity to admit migrating families who are at hazard of violence or harm in their home countries, specifically by establishing a non-immigrant "protection" visa that would be made bachelor to members of vulnerable groups (29).
Based on our findings and supporting literature, nosotros recommend that Tucson sector USCBP detention conditions drastically better in order to forestall the perpetuation of trauma, and subsequent negative wellness outcomes among migrating families. Processing of detainees should exist expedited in club to reduce the time that families spend in detention. If USCBP custody is to become more humane, detention facilities must meet basic health needs. Families must have access to water in a germ-free manner and in sufficient quantities to ensure safe hydration, admission to adequate foods that to not exacerbate dehydration, and adequate admission to medical care. Moreover, detention facilities should accept more than adequate regulation of temperatures, allowance of more than one commodity of wearable per person in lodge to promote the recuperation and non exacerbate conditions of physical burnout and emotional trauma. Additionally, policies that promote the necessary separation of families should be eradicated, as they only serve to distress families and perpetuate trauma (17, 18, 22).
We recognize that this report has some limitations. Although we believe our methods provided adequate contextual understanding, 2d-hand research limits the information given that we were unable to interview families directly. However, collecting volunteer perspectives was besides a strength of the study, given that they are front-line humanitarian aid volunteers that work one on i with migrating families. Some other potential limitation was the inclusion of information from a participant who was non fluent in Spanish. Still, the researchers considered the contributions of this participant to exist meaningful due to her consistent interactions with migrating families and simultaneous estimation by Spanish-speaking volunteers. Finally, interviews were conducted with PHH volunteers serving only i site; thereby, the findings and related implications cannot be generalized to other migrating families that are crossing and being candy at other points of the US–Mexico border without further research.
Structural vulnerability has resulted in life-long health implications for a sub-population of young mothers and their children. The number of migrating families who have experienced traumatic events before, and during their migration feel continues to aggrandize and thus warrants consideration of mental health surveillance and intervention efforts for these families. Although immigration policy-based solutions are across the scope of this article, we recognize that immigration and USCBP policy has critical public health implications, and therefore, should be considered in future investigations. Additional public health research is needed to better empathize and combat the health challenges of this growing vulnerable population.
Disharmonize of Interest Statement
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to acknowledge the noble piece of work of the local community members and organizations who volunteer their time and resources, and more chiefly, nosotros acknowledge the courageous men, women, and children who against adversity take chances their lives for the hope of a amend tomorrow.
References
i. U.S. Customs and Border Protection (USCBP). U.South. Border Patrol Southwest Border Family Units and UAC Apprehensions (FY 2014-2015). U.s.a. Customs and Edge Protection (2015).
Google Scholar
two. Jones J, Podkul J. Forced From Home: The Lost Boys and Girls of Central America. New York, NY: Women Refugee Commission (2012).
Google Scholar
iii. Usa Briefing of Catholic Bishops. Mission to Central America: The Flight of Unaccompanied Children to the United States. Washington, DC: United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (2013).
Google Scholar
4. Vogt WA. Crossing Mexico: structural violence and the commodification of undocumented Central American migrants. Am Ethnol (2013) xl(4):764–lxxx. doi: 10.1111/amet.12053
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
6. Quesada J, Hart LK, Bourgois P. Structural vulnerability and health: Latino migrant laborers in the United states. Med Anthropol (2011) 30(four):339–62. doi:ten.1080/01459740.2011.576725
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
8. Köhler Thou, Alcock N. An empirical table of structural violence. J Peace Res (1976) 13(iv):343–56. doi:10.1177/002234337601300405
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
ix. Leatherman T. A infinite of vulnerability in poverty and health: political-environmental and biocultural analysis. Ethos (2005) 33(1):46–70. doi:10.1525/eth.2005.33.1.046
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
ten. Watts Grand, Bohle HG. The space of vulnerability: the causal structure of hunger and dearth. Prog Hum Geogr (1993) 17(one):43. doi:x.1177/030913259301700103
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
11. Tong A, Sainsbury P, Craig J. Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative inquiry (COREQ): a 32-item checklist for interviews and focus groups. Int J Qual Wellness Care (2007) xix(vi):349–57. doi:10.1093/intqhc/mzm042
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
12. NVivo Qualitative Data Analysis Software Version ten. QSR International Pty Ltd. (2014).
Google Scholar
13. Patton MQ. Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods. SAGE (2002).
Google Scholar
14. Huesmann LR. The contamination of violence: the extent, the processes, and the outcomes. Social and Economic Costs of Violence: Workshop Summary (2012). p. 63–9.
Google Scholar
xv. Fairbrook SW. The physical and mental health effects of community violence exposure in pre-adolescent and adolescent youth. J Student Nurs Res (2013) 6(1):6.
Google Scholar
16. Amnesty International. United mexican states: New Reports of Human being Rights Violations by the Military. London: Amnesty International (2009).
Google Scholar
17. Kennedy EG. Unnecessary suffering: potential unmet mental health needs of unaccompanied alien children. JAMA Pediatr (2013) 167(4):319–twenty. doi:x.1001/jamapediatrics.2013.1382
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
18. Yarris 1000, Castañeda H. Encounters of Violence and Intendance: Central American Transit Migration through United mexican states. Encounters (2014).
Google Scholar
20. Slack J, Martínez D, Whiteford Southward, Peiffer E. In the Shadow of the Wall: Preliminary Data from the Border Crossing Study. Center for Latin American Studies: The Academy of Arizona (2013).
Google Scholar
21. No More Deaths. A Culture of Cruelty: Abuse and Impunity in Brusk-Term US Border Patrol Custody. Tucson, AZ: No More Deaths (2011).
Google Scholar
22. Murray J, Farrington DP, Sekol I. Children'due south antisocial behavioral, mental wellness, drug utilise, and educational functioning after parental incarceration: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Psychol Bull (2012) 138:175–210. doi:10.1037/a0026407
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
24. Coffey GJ, Kaplan I, Sampson RC, Tucci MM. The significant and mental health consequences of long-term immigration detention for people seeking asylum. Soc Sci Med (2010) 70(12):2070–9. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.02.042
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
25. Ichikawa M, Nakahara South, Wakai Due south. Issue of post-migration detention on mental wellness amid Afghan aviary seekers in Nihon. Aust North Z J Psychiatry (2006) forty(4):341–6. doi:ten.1080/j.1440-1614.2006.01800.ten
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
27. Henderson SW, Baily CD. Parental deportation, families, and mental health. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry (2013) 52(5):451–3. doi:x.1016/j.jaac.2013.01.007
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
28. Brabeck KM, Lykes MB, Hunter C. The psychosocial impact of detention and deportation on Us migrant children and families. Am J Orthopsychiatry (2014) 84(v):496. doi:x.1037/ort0000011
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
29. Kerwin D. Creating a more than responsive and seamless refugee protection system: the scope, hope and limitations of U.s.a. temporary protection programs. J Migr Hum Secur (2014) 2(1):44–72. doi:10.14240/jmhs.v2i1.24
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpubh.2015.00163/full
0 Response to "Emergency Apprehension and Detention How to Locate Family Member"
ارسال یک نظر